Being a born again Christian who has lived a part of your life in a way that you now consider to be wrong is akin to recovering from alcoholism or getting a divorce and remarrying in a way; it's for the best but it's not always incredibly easy. Dating as a born again Christian can present you with unique opportunities and challenges which will take some careful consideration to wade through in order to come out on top. TIP: Meet Christian men and women here. The first thing all born again Christians must look at before moving forth into the dating world is their past. Finding yoursel .
Born Again Christian Dating Site & Personals Service A service to meet born again Christians for dating & love WHAT IS TO BE BORN AGAIN? To be born again in the Christian faith is to have spiritual birth - not just phisical birth. So they call it a re-birth as its your second birth along with your physical one. With some denominationals salvation is all part of this rebirth depending on the Christian tradition.
The term is taken from chapter 3 of John's Gospel in The Bible where Nicodemus visits Jesus. Here it is: Now there was a Pharisee named Nicodemus, a leader of the Jews. He came to Jesus by night and said to him: FREE Christian singles! "Rabbi we know that you are a teacher who has come from God; for no one can do these signs that you do apart from the presence of God." Jesus answered him, "Very truly I tell you, no one can see the kingdom of God without being born again." Nicodemus said, "How can anyone be born after having grown old?
Can one enter a second time into the mother's womb and be born?" Jesus answered, "Very truly, I tell you, no one can enter the kingdom of God without being born of water and Spirit." - John 3:1-5 The phrase being 'Born Again' is most commonly used by Pentecostal and Evangelical Protestant Christians where it's sometimes associated with a dramatic conversion experience and encounter the power of God personally.
Some Christians that have the 'born again' experience and say those without this experience are not real Christians though this cannot be true since there are some people are physically incapable of having such experiences - for instance someone on a life support system - alhough and extreme example, you can see that some people are not in a position to do so. Another would be new born babies. Luckily God is fair and just and whilst the 'born again' does often happen (it happened to me) it doesnt take into account all the 1000's of people on the planet that will never hear about Jesus and God.
Hence the Bible say God will judge us according to what we know:) Are you looking for a place to ? As a Christian you desperately want him or her to share your love of God and Jesus but you just can't seem to find many born again Christians to date!
Worldly dating services that say they are for born again Christians are actually not interested in your faith - only your membership fees! Search for Protestant, Presbyterian, Episcopalian, Jehova and Born Again Christian singles.
There are in fact hundreds of dating sites that have 'Christian' sections to them but 99% time its a secular company that owns and runs the service. Check the about us section - to be sure if its a Christian company it will say so in there. What's needed for Christians is a safe place to meet and interact with other born again Christian singles and Fusion101.com has given thousands of single Christians a way of meeting and dating online - simply and for free.
Fusion101 has many thousands of born again believers on its database in line with what The Bible tells us about only being partners with belivers. As you know, Christians are told that faith without works is dead and this is the reason we made Fusion101 Christian Singles, so that you don't have to compromise your faith and .
Finding a Born Again Mate can be difficult At Fusion we are very good at filtering out the non-Christians by deleting them as they come on the site much to their annoyance. But we want Christians only on our site - we don't care about the money - we care that Christians get equally yolked and a better deal than the secular world that always seems to have the best services and sites in all walks of life non just singles and dating.
Other 'Christian' websites Some Christian dating web sites leave single Christians trying to discern where they can find a genuine Christian soul mate but ours is different. One of the most prominent 'Christian' dating sites you'll have seen is actually about as far from Christianity as you can get. Its run and own by people that run adult friend finder services, gay personals amongst a few - and they a the cheek to add all these members into their 'Christian' member headcoun, in actuality only having a handful of real born again belivers on ther site.
Beware and check the about us sections of all 'Christian' singles sites you land on. Have fun with your Christian walk:) More articles on being born again - what does it mean to get saved?
- personal growth lesson - article - what does it mean to be born again? More Christian Advice Related Articles for Christians Born Again Christian Events Great Bible Quote "Write the vision, and make it plain upon tables, that he may run that readeth it." Habakkuk, 2. 2 Born Again Christians dating service. Personals and Dating services for born-again Christian singles
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Mistakes are a part of humanity as a whole and serve an important role in making every individual who he or she is. Being a born again Christian who has lived a part of your life in a way that you now consider to be wrong is akin to recovering from alcoholism or getting a divorce and remarrying in a way; it's for the best but it's not always incredibly easy.
Dating as a born again Christian can present you with unique opportunities and challenges which will take some careful consideration to wade through in order to come out on top. TIP: . The first thing all born again Christians must look at before moving forth into the dating world is their past. Finding yourself and your spirituality can be a breathtakingly glorious experience that leads you through a field of enlightenment and happiness, but no conversion in the world has the ability to eliminate your own history.
This is neither good nor bad, but it can be hard and it has to be accepted and understood. The reason that you're now a born again Christian is because you saw something in your life that wasn't right; something that didn't work in the way that you felt it should.
This might have had to do with your relationships, your demeanor, the way you treated others or yourself, or any number of other things. If it's not blatantly clear why you felt you needed to convert to Christianity then you need to look inside yourself and determine the answer. Once it is clear what about you that you didn't like then you need to look at the you of yesterday and accept that person as part of who you are today, but in a different and more positive light.
Too many people are hopelessly entangled in their former selves and don't realize that the only way to break the cycle is to accept their former selves and move on; this is one of the main problems that occurs in relationships as it has a way of making people feel inadequate even when their partner doesn't.
You've got an advantage over non-religious people in this regard as there are no unforgivable sins, so you don't have to go insane trying to find a way to forgive yourself; you've got help and you are already forgiven. You just have to accept your failures. Once this step has been made then you're more than ready to begin dating and sharing your your new enlightened form with someone who can compliment it beautifully. As a newly born again Christian looking to have fun in the dating world it's probably a good idea to develop some new circles and networks.
A part of being born anew is surrounding yourself with those who will have a positive effect on your life and help you as you strive to be more Christlike. A great way to meet people who can enhance your new lifestyle is by becoming involved in Christian functions and outreach projects.
Habitat for Humanity would be a great place to start, as you would be doing some good for the world and you'd be pretty much guaranteed to meet other people who hold their faith in high regards. Meeting potential dates in these types of situations is usually fairly easy, as everyone there already knows you're probably a good person with a great heart and a lot to offer, so all you have to do is be attractive and you'll likely draw some good attention. Check out your church bulletins to see if any special gatherings, events or programs are being offered and make yourself available.
Soup kitchens are established almost everywhere as well, and can be a very good place to meet people who have a strong will to help others. There's no rule that says a born again Christian can't find a perfect life partner in a bar or an alley, though I don't recommend the latter, but giving yourself a good network of Christian friends can help to funnel you towards exactly the type of date you're in search of. Don't turn your back on your old friends just because they aren't Christian or because they partake in activities that you don't want anything to do with, and don't go berserk trying to convert them.
You can try but at a certain point it becomes a matter of respect for their wishes; slow and steady may be the better approach to conversion in the case of people who seem to be stubborn about it anyway. It's important however that you don't put yourself in situations that aren't conducive to who you want to be as an individual.
This may entail hanging out with your old friends in different environments and suggesting different sorts of activities to get into. Sports serve as a healthy activity that almost every adult enjoys to some degree but hardly any adults make a habit of participating in. It may be advisable to retain your closest friends of old, while letting some of the acquaintances go, and looking in different directions when it comes to finding new people to date.
Finding yourself and finding God in a world which seems to always try to lend itself to eternal uncertainty is a beautiful thing. Being born again as a Christian and living your life as such will bring a serenity and contentment to your existence that not everyone is lucky enough to experience.
Revel in this fact and bring the joy of your new found understanding into your relationships; you will soon find that the new you has the perfect future with a new partner.
Henry Alfred Kissinger ( ; German: ; born Heinz Alfred Kissinger; May 27, 1923) is an American , , , and who served as and under the presidential administrations of and . A who fled with his family in 1938, he became National Security Advisor in 1969 and U.S. Secretary of State in 1973. For his actions negotiating a ceasefire in , Kissinger received the 1973 under controversial circumstances, with two members of the committee resigning in protest.
Kissinger later sought, unsuccessfully, to return the prize after the . ( m. 1974) Children 2 Education (, , ) Civilian awards Signature Military service Allegiance United States Service/branch Years of service 1943–1946 Rank Unit 970th Counter Intelligence Corps Battles/wars Military awards A practitioner of , Kissinger played a prominent role in between 1969 and 1977.
During this period, he pioneered the policy of with the , orchestrated the opening of with the , engaged in what became known as in the Middle East to end the , and negotiated the , ending American involvement in the . Kissinger has also been associated with such controversial policies as U.S. involvement in a , to Argentina's military junta for their , and U.S. support for Pakistan during the despite the being perpetrated by his allies.
After leaving government, he formed , an international . Kissinger has been a prolific author of books on and with over one dozen books authored. He remains a controversial figure in American history. Some journalists, political activists and human rights lawyers have condemned Kissinger as a . According to a 2014 survey by magazine 32.21% of "America's top International Relations scholars" considered Henry Kissinger the most effective U.S.
Secretary of State since 1965. Kissinger was born Heinz Alfred Kissinger in , , (present-day , , ) in 1923 to a family of German Jews. His father, Louis Kissinger (1887–1982), was a schoolteacher. His mother, Paula (Stern) Kissinger (1901–1998), from , was a homemaker.
Kissinger has a younger brother, Walter Kissinger (born 1924). The surname Kissinger was adopted in 1817 by his great-great-grandfather Meyer Löb, after the of . In youth, Heinz enjoyed playing , and played for the youth wing of his favorite club, , which was one of the nation's best clubs at the time.
In 1938, when Kissinger was 15 years old, fleeing persecution, his family briefly emigrated to London, England, before arriving in New York on September 5. Kissinger spent his high school years in the section of as part of the German Jewish immigrant community that resided there at the time.
Although Kissinger assimilated quickly into American culture, he never lost his pronounced , due to childhood shyness that made him hesitant to speak. Following his first year at , he began attending school at night and worked in a factory during the day. Following high school, Kissinger enrolled in the , studying accounting. He excelled academically as a part-time student, continuing to work while enrolled.
His studies were interrupted in early 1943, when he was drafted into the . Kissinger underwent basic training at Camp Croft in . On June 19, 1943, while stationed in South Carolina, at the age of 20 years, he became a .
The sent him to study engineering at , , but the program was canceled, and Kissinger was reassigned to the . There, he made the acquaintance of , a fellow Jewish immigrant from Germany who noted Kissinger's fluency in German and his intellect, and arranged for him to be assigned to the section of the division.
Kissinger saw combat with the division, and volunteered for hazardous intelligence duties during the . During the American advance into Germany, Kissinger, only a , was put in charge of the administration of the city of , owing to a lack of German speakers on the division's intelligence staff.
Within eight days he had established a civilian administration. Kissinger was then reassigned to the (CIC), where he became a holding the enlisted rank of . He was given charge of a team in assigned to tracking down officers and other saboteurs, for which he was awarded the . In June 1945, Kissinger was made commandant of the metro CIC detachment, district of , with responsibility for of the district.
Although he possessed absolute authority and powers of arrest, Kissinger took care to avoid abuses against the local population by his command. In 1946, Kissinger was reassigned to teach at the European Command Intelligence School at and, as a civilian employee following his separation from the army, continued to serve in this role.
Henry Kissinger received his , in political science from in 1950, where he lived in and studied under . He received his MA and PhD degrees at in 1951 and 1954, respectively.
In 1952, while still a graduate student at Harvard, he served as a consultant to the director of the . His doctoral dissertation was titled "Peace, Legitimacy, and the Equilibrium (A Study of the Statesmanship of and )". Kissinger remained at Harvard as a member of the faculty in the Department of Government and, with , co-founded the in 1958 where he served as associate director. In 1955, he was a consultant to the 's .
During 1955 and 1956, he was also study director in nuclear weapons and foreign policy at the . He released his book Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy the following year. From 1956 to 1958 he worked for the as director of its . He was director of the Harvard Defense Studies Program between 1958 and 1971. He was also director of the Harvard International Seminar between 1951 and 1971.
Outside of academia, he served as a consultant to several government agencies and think tanks, including the , the , , and the . Keen to have a greater influence on , Kissinger became foreign policy advisor to the presidential campaigns of , supporting his bids for the nomination in 1960, 1964, and 1968. After won the presidency in 1968, he made Kissinger . Kissinger being sworn in as Secretary of State by Chief Justice , September 22, 1973.
Kissinger's mother, Paula, holds the Bible upon which he was sworn in while President Nixon looks on. Kissinger served as and under President , and continued as Secretary of State under Nixon's successor . On Nixon's last full day in office, in the meeting where he informed Ford of his intention to resign the next day, he advised Ford that he felt it was very important that he keep Kissinger in his new administration, to which Ford agreed.
A proponent of , Kissinger played a dominant role in between 1969 and 1977. In that period, he extended the policy of . This policy led to a significant relaxation in US–Soviet tensions and played a crucial role in 1971 talks with Chinese Premier .
The talks concluded with a between the United States and the People's Republic of China, and the formation of a new strategic anti-Soviet Sino-American alignment.
He was jointly awarded the 1973 with for helping to establish a and U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam. The ceasefire, however, was not durable. Thọ declined to accept the award and Kissinger appeared deeply ambivalent about it (donating his prize money to charity, not attending the award ceremony and later offering to return his prize medal ).
As National Security Advisor, in 1974 Kissinger directed the much-debated . Détente and the opening to China See also: As National Security Advisor under Nixon, Kissinger pioneered the policy of with the , seeking a relaxation in tensions between the two superpowers.
As a part of this strategy, he negotiated the (culminating in the ) and the with , of the . Negotiations about strategic disarmament were originally supposed to start under the Johnson Administration but were postponed in protest upon the in August 1968.
Kissinger, shown here with and , negotiated rapprochement with the People's Republic of China. Kissinger sought to place diplomatic pressure on the Soviet Union. He made two trips to the People's Republic of China in July and October 1971 (the first of which was made in secret) to confer with Premier , then in charge of Chinese foreign policy.
According to Kissinger's book, "The White House Years" and "On China", the first secret China trip was arranged through Pakistani and Romanian diplomatic and Presidential involvement, as there were no direct communication channels between the states.
His trips paved the way for the groundbreaking between Nixon, Zhou, and Chairman , as well as the between the two countries, ending 23 years of diplomatic isolation and mutual hostility. The result was the formation of a tacit strategic anti-Soviet alliance between China and the United States. While Kissinger's diplomacy led to economic and cultural exchanges between the two sides and the establishment of Liaison Offices in the Chinese and American capitals, with serious implications for Indochinese matters, full normalization of relations with the People's Republic of China would not occur until 1979, because the overshadowed the latter years of the Nixon presidency and because the United States continued to recognize the Republic of China on Taiwan.
In September 1989, the Wall Street Journal's John Fialka disclosed that Kissinger took a direct economic interest in US-China relations in March 1989 with the establishment of China Ventures, Inc., a Delaware limited partnership, of which he was chairman of the board and chief executive officer. A US$75 million investment in a joint venture with the Communist Party government's primary commercial vehicle at the time, China International Trust & Investment Corporation (CITIC), was its purpose.
Board members were major clients of Kissinger Associates. Kissinger was criticised for not disclosing his role in the venture when called upon by ABC's to comment the morning after the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen crackdown. Kissinger's position was generally supportive of 's clearance of the square and he opposed economic sanctions.
Vietnam War Kissinger with President , discussing Vietnam situation in , 1972. Kissinger's involvement in started prior to his appointment as National Security Adviser to Nixon. While still at Harvard, he had worked as a consultant on foreign policy to both the and State Department. Kissinger says that "In August 1965 ... , an old friend serving as , had asked me to visit Vietnam as his consultant. I toured Vietnam first for two weeks in October and November 1965, again for about ten days in July 1966, and a third time for a few days in October 1966 ...
Lodge gave me a free hand to look into any subject of my choice". He became convinced of the meaninglessness of military victories in Vietnam, "... unless they brought about a political reality that could survive our ultimate withdrawal". In a 1967 peace initiative, he would mediate between Washington and .
Nixon had been elected in 1968 on the promise of achieving "peace with honor" and ending the Vietnam War. In office, and assisted by Kissinger, Nixon implemented a policy of that aimed to gradually withdraw U.S.
troops while expanding the combat role of the so that it would be capable of independently defending its government against the , a Communist guerrilla organization, and the North Vietnamese army ( or PAVN).
Kissinger played a key role in to disrupt PAVN and Viet Cong units launching raids into South Vietnam from within Cambodia's borders and resupplying their forces by using the and other routes, as well as the 1970 and subsequent widespread bombing of targets in Cambodia. The bombing campaign contributed to the chaos of the , which saw the forces of leader unable to retain foreign support to combat the growing Khmer Rouge insurgency that would overthrow him in 1975.
Documents uncovered from the Soviet archives after 1991 reveal that the North Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1970 was launched at the explicit request of the Khmer Rouge and negotiated by 's then second in command, .
The American bombing of Cambodia resulted in 40,000 –150,000 deaths from 1969 to 1973, including at least 5,000 civilians. Pol Pot biographer argues that the bombing "had the effect the Americans wanted—it broke the Communist encirclement of ." However, Ben Kiernan and Taylor Owen suggest that "the bombs drove ordinary Cambodians into the arms of the Khmer Rouge, a group that seemed initially to have slim prospects of revolutionary success." Kissinger himself defers to others on the subject of casualty estimates.
"...since I am in no position to make an accurate estimate of my own, I consulted the OSD Historian, who gave me an estimate of 50,000 based on the tonnage of bombs delivered over the period of four and a half years." [ ] Along with Politburo Member , Kissinger was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on December 10, 1973, for their work in negotiating the ceasefires contained in the on "Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam", signed the previous January.
According to , this prize was the most controversial to date. For the first time in the history of the Peace Prize, two members left the Nobel Committee in protest. Tho rejected the award, telling Kissinger that peace had not been restored in South Vietnam. Kissinger wrote to the Nobel Committee that he accepted the award "with humility," and "donated the entire proceeds to the children of American servicemembers killed or missing in action in Indochina." After the in 1975, Kissinger attempted to return the award.
Bangladesh War Further information: , , and Under Kissinger's guidance, the United States government supported Pakistan in the in 1971.
Kissinger was particularly concerned about the expansion of Soviet influence in the as a result of a treaty of friendship recently signed by India and the , and sought to demonstrate to the People's Republic of (Pakistan's ally and an enemy of both India and the USSR) the value of a tacit alliance with the United States.
Kissinger sneered at people who "bleed" for "the dying Bengalis" and ignored the first telegram from the United States consul general in East Pakistan, , and 20 members of his staff, which informed the US that their allies West Pakistan were undertaking, in Blood's words, "a selective genocide".
In the second, more famous, the word was again used to describe the events, and further that with its continuing support for West Pakistan the US government had "evidenced [...] moral bankruptcy". As a direct response to the dissent against US policy Kissinger and Nixon ended Archer Blood's tenure as United States consul general in East Pakistan and put him to work in the State Department's Personnel Office.
Henry Kissinger had also come under fire for private comments he made to Nixon during the Bangladesh–Pakistan War in which he described Indian Prime Minister as a "" and a "". He also said "The Indians are bastards", shortly before the war.
Kissinger has since expressed his regret over the comments. Israeli policy and Soviet Jewry According to notes taken by , Nixon "ordered his aides to exclude all Jewish-Americans from policy-making on Israel", including Kissinger.
One note quotes Nixon as saying "get K. [Kissinger] out of the play— handle it". In 1973, Kissinger did not feel that pressing the Soviet Union concerning the plight of was in the interest of U.S.
foreign policy. In conversation with Nixon shortly after a meeting with Israeli Prime Minister on March 1, 1973, Kissinger stated, "The emigration of Jews from the Soviet Union is not an objective of American foreign policy, and if they put Jews into gas chambers in the Soviet Union, it is not an American concern.
Maybe a humanitarian concern." Kissinger argued, however: That emigration existed at all was due to the actions of "realists" in the White House. Jewish emigration rose from 700 a year in 1969 to near 40,000 in 1972.
The total in Nixon's first term was more than 100,000. To maintain this flow by quiet diplomacy, we never used these figures for political purposes. ...
The issue became public because of the success of our Middle East policy when Egypt evicted Soviet advisers. To restore its relations with Cairo, the Soviet Union put a tax on Jewish emigration. There was no Jackson–Vanik Amendment until there was a successful emigration effort. Sen. Henry Jackson, for whom I had, and continue to have, high regard, sought to remove the tax with his amendment. We thought the continuation of our previous approach of quiet diplomacy was the wiser course. ...
Events proved our judgment correct. Jewish emigration fell to about a third of its previous high. 1973 Yom Kippur War Documents show that Kissinger delayed telling President Richard Nixon about the start of the in 1973 to keep him from interfering. On October 6, 1973, the Israelis informed Kissinger about the attack at 6 am; Kissinger waited nearly 3 and a half hours before he informed Nixon.
On October 31, 1973, Egyptian Foreign Minister (left) meets with (middle) and Henry Kissinger (right), about a week after the end of fighting in the . According to Kissinger, in an interview in November 2013, he was notified at 6:30 a.m.
(12:30 pm. Israel time) that war was imminent, and his urgent calls to the Soviets and Egyptians were ineffective. He says Golda Meir's decision not to preempt was wise and reasonable, balancing the risk of Israel looking like the aggressor and Israel's actual ability to strike within such a brief span of time.
The war began on October 6, 1973, when and attacked . Kissinger published lengthy telephone transcripts from this period in the 2002 book Crisis. On October 12, under Nixon's direction, and against Kissinger's initial advice, while Kissinger was on his way to Moscow to discuss conditions for a cease-fire, Nixon sent a message to giving Kissinger full negotiating authority. Israel regained the territory it lost in the early fighting and gained new territories from Syria and Egypt, including land in Syria east of the previously captured , and additionally on the western bank of the , although they did lose some territory on the eastern side of the Suez Canal that had been in Israeli hands since the end of the .
Kissinger pressured the Israelis to some of the newly captured land back to its Arab neighbors, contributing to the first phases of Israeli–Egyptian non-aggression. The move saw a warming in , bitter since the 1950s, as the country moved away from its former independent stance and into a close partnership with the United States.
The peace was finalized in 1978 when U.S. President mediated the , during which Israel returned the in exchange for an Egyptian peace agreement that included the recognition of the state of Israel. Turkish invasion of Cyprus See also: Following a period of steady relations between the U.S.
Government and the after 1967, Secretary of State Kissinger was faced with the coup by the Greek junta and the in July and August 1974. In an August 1974 edition of , it was revealed that Kissinger and State Department were informed in advance οf the impending coup by the Greek junta in .
Indeed, according to the journalist, the official version of events as told by the State Department was that it felt it had to warn the Greek military regime not to carry out the coup. The warning had been delivered by July 9, according to repeated assurances from its services, that is, the U.S. embassy and the American ambassador himself. Ioannis Zigdis, then a Greek MP for and former minister, stated in an Athenian newspaper that "the Cyprus crisis will become Kissinger's ".
Zigdis also stressed: "Not only did Kissinger know about the coup for the overthrow of before July 15th, he also encouraged it, if he did not instigate it." Kissinger was a target of which was a significant feature of Greek public opinion at the time—particularly among young people—viewing the U.S. role in Cyprus as negative. In a demonstration by students in , , soon after the second phase of the Turkish invasion in August 1974, slogans such as "Kissinger, murderer", "Americans get out", "No to Partition" and "Cyprus is no Vietnam" were heard.
Some years later, Kissinger expressed the opinion that the Cyprus issue was resolved in 1974, a position very similar to that held by Turkish prime minister , who had ordered the invasion. Latin American policy Ford and Kissinger conversing on the grounds, August 1974 The United States continued to recognize and maintain relationships with non-left-wing governments, democratic and authoritarian alike.
's was ended in 1973. In 1974, negotiations over a new settlement for the began, and they eventually led to the and the handing over of the Canal to Panamanian control. Kissinger initially supported the normalization of , broken since 1961 (all U.S.–Cuban trade was blocked in February 1962, a few weeks after the exclusion of Cuba from the because of U.S.
pressure). However, he quickly changed his mind and followed Kennedy's policy. After the involvement of the in the independence struggles in and , Kissinger said that unless Cuba withdrew its forces relations would not be normalized. Cuba refused. Main article: Chilean presidential candidate was elected by a of 36.2 percent in 1970, causing serious concern in Washington, D.C. due to his openly socialist and pro-Cuban politics.
The Nixon administration, with Kissinger's input, authorized the (CIA) to encourage a that would prevent Allende's inauguration, but the plan was not successful. : 115 : 495 : 177 remained frosty during Salvador Allende's tenure, following the complete of the partially U.S.-owned copper mines and the Chilean subsidiary of the U.S.-based , as well as other Chilean businesses. The U.S. claimed that the Chilean government had greatly undervalued fair compensation for the by subtracting what it deemed "excess profits".
Therefore, the U.S. implemented against Chile. The CIA also provided funding for the mass anti-government strikes in 1972 and 1973, and extensive in the newspaper . : 93 U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger with , January 1976 The most expeditious way to prevent Allende from assuming office was somehow to convince the Chilean congress to confirm as the winner of the election. Once elected by the congress, Alessandri—a party to the plot through intermediaries—was prepared to resign his presidency within a matter of days so that new elections could be held.
This first, nonmilitary, approach to stopping Allende was called the approach. The CIA's second approach, the approach, was designed to encourage a military overthrow. On September 11, 1973, Allende died during a military coup launched by Army Commander-in-Chief , who became President. A document released by the CIA in 2000 titled "CIA Activities in Chile" revealed that the United States, acting through the CIA, actively supported the after the overthrow of Allende, and that it made many of Pinochet's officers into paid contacts of the CIA or U.S.
military. In September 1976, , a Chilean opponent of the Pinochet regime, in Washington, D.C. with a car bomb. Previously, Kissinger had helped secure his release from prison, and had chosen to cancel a letter to Chile warning them against carrying out any political assassinations. The U.S. ambassador to Chile, , said that Pinochet might take as an insult any inference that he was connected with assassination plots.
It has been confirmed that Pinochet directly ordered the assassination. This murder was part of , a covert program of political repression and assassination carried out by nations that Kissinger has been . On September 10, 2001, the family of Chilean general filed a suit against Kissinger, accusing him of collaborating in arranging Schneider's kidnapping which resulted in his death.
According to phone records, Kissinger claimed to have "turned off" the operation. However, the CIA claimed that no such "stand-down" order was ever received, and he and Nixon later joked that an "incompetent" CIA had struggled to kill Schneider.
A subsequent Congressional investigation found that the CIA was not directly involved in Schneider's death. The case was later dismissed by a U.S. District Court, citing separation of powers: "The decision to support a coup of the Chilean government to prevent Dr. Allende from coming to power, and the means by which the United States Government sought to effect that goal, implicate policy makers in the murky realm of foreign affairs and national security best left to the political branches." Decades later the CIA admitted its involvement in the kidnapping of General Schneider, but not his murder, and subsequently paid the group responsible for his death $35,000 "to keep the prior contact secret, maintain the goodwill of the group, and for humanitarian reasons." Argentina See also: Kissinger took a similar line as he had toward Chile when the Argentine military, led by , toppled the elected government of in 1976 with a process called the by the military, with which they consolidated power, launching brutal reprisals and "" against political opponents.
An October 1987 investigative report in broke the story of how, in a June 1976 meeting in the Hotel Carrera in Santiago, Kissinger gave the bloody military junta in neighboring Argentina the "green light" for their own clandestine repression against leftwing guerrillas and other dissidents, thousands of whom were kept in more than 400 secret concentration camps before they were executed. During a meeting with Argentine foreign minister , Kissinger assured him that the United States was an ally, but urged him to "get back to normal procedures" quickly before the reconvened and had a chance to consider sanctions.
As the article published in noted, as the state-sponsored terror mounted, conservative Republican U.S. Ambassador to Buenos Aires "'was shaken, he became very disturbed, by the case of the son of a thirty-year embassy employee, a student who was arrested, never to be seen again,' recalled former reporter .
'Hill took a personal interest.' He went to the Interior Minister, a general with whom he had worked on drug cases, saying, 'Hey, what about this? We're interested in this case.' He questioned (Foreign Minister Cesar) and, finally, President himself. 'All he got was stonewalling; he got nowhere.' de Onis said. 'His last year was marked by increasing disillusionment and dismay, and he backed his staff on human rights right to the hilt." In a letter to The Nation editor , protesting publication of the article, Kissinger claimed that: "At any rate, the notion of Hill as a passionate human rights advocate is news to all his former associates." Yet Kissinger aide later disagreed with Kissinger, telling the oral historian William E.
Knight of the Foreign Affairs Oral History Project: "It really came to a head when I was Assistant Secretary, or it began to come to a head, in the case of Argentina where the dirty war was in full flower. Bob Hill, who was Ambassador then in Buenos Aires, a very conservative Republican politician -- by no means liberal or anything of the kind, began to report quite effectively about what was going on, this slaughter of innocent civilians, supposedly innocent civilians -- this vicious war that they were conducting, underground war.
He, at one time in fact, sent me a back-channel telegram saying that the Foreign Minister, who had just come for a visit to Washington and had returned to Buenos Aires, had gloated to him that Kissinger had said nothing to him about human rights. I don't know -- I wasn't present at the interview." Navasky later wrote in his book about being confronted by Kissinger, "'Tell me, Mr.
Navasky,' [Kissinger] said in his famous guttural tones, 'how is it that a short article in a obscure journal such as yours about a conversation that was supposed to have taken place years ago about something that did or didn't happen in Argentina resulted in sixty people holding placards denouncing me a few months ago at the airport when I got off the plane in Copenhagen?'" According to declassified state department files, Kissinger also attempted to thwart the Carter Administration's efforts to halt the mass killings by the 1976–83 military dictatorship.
Rhodesia In September 1976 Kissinger was actively involved in negotiations regarding the . Kissinger, along with South Africa's Prime Minister , pressured Prime Minister to hasten the transition to black in Rhodesia. With in control of Mozambique and even South Africa withdrawing its support, Rhodesia's isolation was nearly complete. According to Smith's autobiography, Kissinger told Smith of Mrs.
Kissinger's admiration for him, but Smith stated that he thought Kissinger was asking him to sign Rhodesia's "death certificate". Kissinger, bringing the weight of the United States, and corralling other relevant parties to put pressure on Rhodesia, hastened the end of minority-rule.
East Timor Main article: The Portuguese decolonization process brought U.S. attention to the former Portuguese colony of , which lies within the Indonesian archipelago and declared its independence in 1975. Indonesian president was a strong U.S. ally in Southeast Asia and began to mobilize the Indonesian army, preparing to annex the nascent state, which had become increasingly dominated by the popular leftist party. In December 1975, Suharto discussed the invasion plans during a meeting with Kissinger and President Ford in the Indonesian capital of .
Both Ford and Kissinger made clear that U.S. relations with Indonesia would remain strong and that it would not object to the proposed . They only wanted it done "fast" and proposed that it be delayed until after they had returned to Washington. Accordingly, Suharto delayed the operation for one day. Finally on December 7 Indonesian forces invaded the former Portuguese colony. U.S. arms sales to Indonesia continued, and Suharto went ahead with the annexation plan.
According to , the invasion and occupation resulted in the deaths of nearly a quarter of the Timorese population from 1975 to 1981. Cuba In February 1976 Kissinger considered launching air strikes against ports and military installations in Cuba, as well as deploying Marine battalions based at the US Navy base at , in retaliation for Cuban President 's decision in late 1975 to send troops to to help the newly independent nation fend off attacks from and right-wing guerrillas.
Kissinger meeting with President in the White House family quarters, 1981 Kissinger left office when Democrat defeated Republican Gerald Ford in the 1976 presidential elections.
Kissinger continued to participate in policy groups, such as the , and to maintain political consulting, speaking, and writing engagements. After Kissinger left office in 1977, he was offered an endowed chair at . There was student opposition to the appointment, which became a subject of media commentary. Columbia canceled the appointment as a result. Kissinger was then appointed to 's . He taught at Georgetown's for several years in the late 1970s.
In 1982, with the help of a loan from the international banking firm of , Kissinger founded a consulting firm, , and is a partner in affiliate with , former to President . He also serves on the board of directors of , a Chicago-based newspaper group, and as of March 1999, was a director of . From 1995 to 2001, Kissinger served on the board of directors for , a copper and gold producer with significant mining and milling operations in , Indonesia.
In February 2000, then-president of Indonesia appointed Kissinger as a political advisor. He also serves as an honorary advisor to the . From 2000–2006, Kissinger served as chairman of the board of trustees of . In 2006, upon his departure from Eisenhower Fellowships, he received the Dwight D. Eisenhower Medal for Leadership and Service. In November 2002, he was appointed by to chair the newly established to investigate the .
Kissinger stepped down as chairman on December 13, 2002, rather than reveal his business client list, when queried about potential conflicts of interest. In the of 2009–2010, Kissinger was paid $5 million to advise the multinational mining company how to distance itself from an employee who had been arrested in China for bribery. President meeting with Kissinger on May 10, 2017 Kissinger—along with , , and —has called upon governments to embrace the vision of a world free of nuclear weapons, and in three proposed an ambitious program of urgent steps to that end.
The four have created the Nuclear Security Project to advance this agenda. In 2010, the four were featured in a documentary film entitled "". The film is a visual and historical depiction of the ideas laid forth in the Wall Street Journal op-eds and reinforces their commitment to a world without nuclear weapons and the steps that can be taken to reach that goal.
In December 2008, Kissinger was given the by the Foundation "in recognition for his distinguished career in public service." Earlier that year, a professor had blown the whistle on the fact that a Chilean colleague at the of headquartered at NDU had not only been a member of Pinochet's death squad operation (the same organization responsible for the 1976 car bomb murder of former Chilean Foreign Minister and American aide less than a mile from the ), but was in addition accused of participating in the torture and murder of seven detainees in Chile.
The , Martin Edwin Andersen, was not only a senior staff member who earlier—as a senior advisor for policy planning at the Criminal Division of the U.S. Department of Justice—was the first national security whistleblower to receive the U.S.
Office of Special Counsel's "Public Servant Award," but was also the same person who broke the story in on Kissinger's "green light" for Argentina's dirty "war." On November 17, 2016, Kissinger met with then during which they discussed global affairs. Kissinger also met with President Trump at the White House in May 2017.
In an interview with on August 17, 2017, Kissinger said about President Trump: "I'm hoping for an Augustinian moment, for ... who in his early life followed a pattern that was quite incompatible with later on when he had a vision, and rose to sainthood. One does not expect the president to become that, but it's conceivable ..." Kissinger also argued that Russian President wanted to weaken , not elect Donald Trump.
Kissinger said that Putin "thought—wrongly incidentally—that she would be extremely confrontational ... I think he tried to weaken the incoming president [Clinton]".
Views on U.S. foreign policy Yugoslav wars President discussing the Treaty between the U.S. and , 2010 In several articles of his and interviews that he gave during the , he criticized the United States' policies in , among other things for the recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a sovereign state, which he described as a foolish act. Most importantly he dismissed the notion of and being aggressors or separatist, saying that "they can't be separating from something that has never existed".
In addition, he repeatedly warned the West against inserting itself into a conflict that has its roots at least hundreds of years back in time, and said that the West would do better if it allowed the Serbs and Croats to join their respective countries. Kissinger shared similarly critical views on in .
In particular, he held a disparaging view of the : The Rambouillet text, which called on Serbia to admit NATO troops throughout Yugoslavia, was a provocation, an excuse to start bombing. Rambouillet is not a document that any Serb could have accepted. It was a terrible diplomatic document that should never have been presented in that form.
Kissinger speaking during 's funeral in January 2007 In 2006, it was reported in the book by that Kissinger met regularly with President George W. Bush and Vice President to offer advice on the . Kissinger confirmed in recorded interviews with Woodward that the advice was the same as he had given in a column in on August 12, 2005: "Victory over the insurgency is the only meaningful exit strategy." In an interview on the BBC's on November 19, 2006, Kissinger was asked whether there is any hope left for a clear military victory in Iraq and responded, "If you mean by 'military victory' an Iraqi government that can be established and whose writ runs across the whole country, that gets the civil war under control and sectarian violence under control in a time period that the political processes of the democracies will support, I don't believe that is possible.
... I think we have to redefine the course. But I don't believe that the alternative is between military victory as it had been defined previously, or total withdrawal." In an interview with Peter Robinson of the on April 3, 2008, Kissinger reiterated that even though he supported the , he thought that the rested too much of its case for war on Saddam's supposed weapons of mass destruction.
Robinson noted that Kissinger had criticized the administration for invading with too few troops, for disbanding the Iraqi Army, and for mishandling relations with certain allies. India Kissinger said in April 2008 that "India has parallel objectives to the United States," and he called it an of the U.S. China and Kissinger were at the state funeral for former German Chancellor , November 23, 2015 Kissinger was present at the opening ceremony of the .
In 2011, Kissinger published , chronicling the evolution of relations and laying out the challenges to a partnership of 'genuine strategic trust' between the U.S. and China. In his 2011 book , his 2014 book and in a 2018 interview with , Kissinger stated that he believes China wants to restore its historic role as the Middle Kingdom and be "the principal adviser to all humanity". Iran Kissinger's position on this issue of U.S.–Iran talks was reported by the to be that "Any direct talks between the U.S.
and Iran on issues such as the nuclear dispute would be most likely to succeed if they first involved only diplomatic staff and progressed to the level of secretary of state before the heads of state meet." In 2016, Kissinger said that the biggest challenge facing the Middle East is the "potential domination of the region by an Iran that is both imperial and jihadist." He further wrote in August 2017 that if the of Iran and its Shiite allies were allowed to fill the territorial vacuum left by a militarily defeated , the region would be left with a land corridor extending from Iran to the Levant "which could mark the emergence of an Iranian radical empire." Commenting on the , Kissinger said that he wouldn't have agreed to it, but that Trump's plan to end the agreement after it was signed would "enable the Iranians to do more than us." 2014 Ukrainian crisis Henry Kissinger on April 26, 2016 On March 5, 2014, The Washington Post published an piece by Kissinger, 11 days before the on whether should officially rejoin or join neighboring .
In it, he attempted to balance the Ukrainian, Russian and Western desires for a functional state. He made four main points: • Ukraine should have the right to choose freely its economic and political associations, including with Europe; • Ukraine should not join NATO, a repetition of the position he took seven years before; • Ukraine should be free to create any government compatible with the expressed will of its people.
Wise Ukrainian leaders would then opt for a policy of reconciliation between the various parts of their country. He imagined an international position for Ukraine like that of . • Ukraine should maintain sovereignty over Crimea. Kissinger also wrote: "The west speaks Ukrainian; the east speaks mostly Russian. Any attempt by one wing of Ukraine to dominate the other—as has been the pattern—would lead eventually to civil war or break up." Following the publication of his book titled , Kissinger participated in an interview with and updated his position on Ukraine, which he sees as a possible geographical mediator between Russia and the West.
In a question he posed to himself for illustration regarding re-conceiving policy regarding Ukraine, Kissinger stated: "If Ukraine is considered an outpost, then the situation is that its eastern border is the NATO strategic line, and NATO will be within 200 miles (320 km) of .
That will never be accepted by Russia. On the other hand, if the Russian western line is at the border of Poland, Europe will be permanently disquieted. The Strategic objective should have been to see whether one can build Ukraine as a bridge between East and West, and whether one can do it as a kind of a joint effort." In December 2016, Kissinger advised then to accept "Crimea as a part of Russia" in an attempt to secure a rapprochement between the United States and Russia, whose relations soured as a result of the Crimean crisis.
When asked if he explicitly considered Russia's sovereignty over Crimea legitimate, Kissinger answered in the affirmative, reversing the position he took in his Washington Post op-ed.
At the height of Kissinger's prominence, many commented on his wit. In February 1972, at the annual congressional dinner, "Kissinger mocked his reputation as a secret swinger." The insight, "Power is the ultimate aphrodisiac", is widely attributed to him, although Kissinger was paraphrasing .
Some scholars have ranked Kissinger as the most effective U.S. Secretary of State in the 50 years to 2015. A number of activists and human rights lawyers, however, have sought his prosecution for alleged war crimes. According to historian and Kissinger biographer , however, accusing Kissinger alone of war crimes "requires a double standard" because "nearly all the secretaries of state ... and nearly all the presidents" have taken similar actions. , Canadian Prime Minister , Secretary of State , and Kissinger in March 2016 Kissinger was interviewed in , a documentary examining the underpinnings of the 1979 peace treaty between Israel and Egypt.
In the film, Kissinger revealed how close he felt the world came to nuclear war during the 1973 launched by Egypt and Syria against Israel. Attempts were made to blame Kissinger for injustices in American foreign policy during his tenure in government. In September 2001, relatives and survivors of General (former head of the Chilean general staff) filed civil proceedings in Federal Court in Washington, DC, and, in April 2002, a petition for Kissinger's arrest was filed in the High Court in London by human rights campaigner Peter Tatchell, citing the destruction of civilian populations and the environment in Indochina during the years 1969–75.
Both suits were determined to lack legal foundation and were dismissed. British-American journalist and author authored , in which Hitchens calls for the prosecution of Kissinger "for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture".
Critics on the right, such as , have faulted Kissinger for his role in the Nixon administration's opening to China and secret negotiations with North Vietnam. Takeyh writes that while rapprochement with China was a worthy goal, the Nixon administration failed to achieve any meaningful concessions from Chinese officials in return, as China continued to support North Vietnam and various "revolutionary forces throughout the Third World," "nor does there appear to be even a remote, indirect connection between Nixon and Kissinger's diplomacy and the communist leadership's decision, after Mao's bloody rule, to move away from a communist economy towards state capitalism." On Vietnam, Takeyh claims that Kissinger's negotiations with Le Duc Tho were intended only "to secure a 'decent interval' between America's withdrawal and South Vietnam's collapse." Johannes Kadura offers a more positive assessment of Nixon and Kissinger's strategy, arguing that the two men "simultaneously maintained a Plan A of further supporting Saigon and a Plan B of shielding Washington should their maneuvers prove futile." According to Kadura, the "decent interval" concept has been "largely misrepresented," in that Nixon and Kissinger "sought to gain time, make the North turn inward, and create a perpetual equilibrium" rather than acquiescing in the collapse of South Vietnam, but the strength of the anti-war movement and the sheer unpredictability of events in Indochina compelled them to prepare for the possibility that South Vietnam might collapse despite their best efforts.
Kadura concludes: "Without Nixon, Kissinger, and Ford's clever use of triangular diplomacy ... The Soviets and the Chinese could have been tempted into a far more aggressive stance" following the "U.S. defeat in Indochina" than actually occurred. In 2011, Chimerica Media released an interview-based documentary, titled Kissinger, in which Kissinger "reflects on some of his most important and controversial decisions" during his tenure as Secretary of State.
Kissinger's record was brought up during the . had cultivated a close relationship with Kissinger, describing him as a "friend" and a source of "counsel." During the , Clinton touted Kissinger's praise for her record as Secretary of State. In response, candidate issued a critique of Kissinger's foreign policy, declaring: "I am proud to say that Henry Kissinger is not my friend. I will not take advice from Henry Kissinger." Henry and at the Metropolitan Opera opening in 2008 Kissinger married Ann Fleischer on February 6, 1949.
They had two children, Elizabeth and David, and divorced in 1964. On March 30, 1974, he married . They now live in , and in . Kissinger's son David Kissinger served as an executive with before becoming head of , 's production company.
In February 1982, Kissinger underwent at the age of 58. Kissinger described as his favorite game in a 1973 interview. Soccer Kissinger was described by Daryl Grove as one of the most influential people in the growth of soccer in the United States. Kissinger was named chairman of the board of directors in 1978. Since his childhood, Kissinger has been a fan of his hometown's club, . Even during his time in office he was informed about the team's results by the German Embassy every Monday morning.
He is an honorary member with lifetime season-tickets. In September 2012 Kissinger attended a home game in which SpVgg Greuther Fürth lost, 0–2, against after promising years ago he would attend a Greuther Fürth home game if they were promoted to the , the top football league in Germany, from the . Kissinger is an honorary member of the German club . • Kissinger and were jointly offered the 1973 for their work on the which prompted the withdrawal of American forces from the .
(Le Duc Tho declined to accept the award on the grounds that such "bourgeois sentimentalities" were not for him and that peace had not actually been achieved in Vietnam. Kissinger donated his prize money to charity, did not attend the award ceremony and would later offer to return his prize medal after the to North Vietnamese forces 18 months later.
) • In 1973, Kissinger received the U.S. Senator John Heinz Award for Greatest Public Service by an Elected or Appointed Official, an award given out annually by . • In 1976, Kissinger became the first honorary member of the . President Ford, General Secretary , and Kissinger speaking informally at the in 1974 • In 1980, Kissinger won the in History for the first volume of his , The White House Years.
• In 1995, he was made an honorary . • In 2000, Kissinger received the at . • In 2002, Kissinger became an honorary member of the . • On March 1, 2012, Kissinger was awarded Israel's . • In October 2013, Kissinger was awarded the Award for Public Service by • Kissinger was a member of the Founding Council of the , .
• Kissinger is a member of the following groups: • • • • • • • Kissinger served on the board of , a health technology company, from 2014 to 2017. • He received the Theodore Roosevelt American Experience Award from the in 2009.
Memoirs • 1979. The White House Years. (National Book Award, History Hardcover) • 1982. Years of Upheaval. • 1999. Years of Renewal.
Public policy • 1957. . • 1957. Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy. (1984 edition) • 1961. The Necessity for Choice: Prospects of American Foreign Policy.
• 1965. The Troubled Partnership: A Re-Appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance. • 1969. . • 1981. For the Record: Selected Statements 1977–1980. • 1985. Observations: Selected Speeches and Essays 1982–1984. • 1994. . • 1999. Kissinger Transcripts: The Top Secret Talks With Beijing and Moscow (Henry Kissinger, William Burr).
• 2001. . • 2002. Vietnam: A Personal History of America's Involvement in and Extrication from the Vietnam War. • 2003. Crisis: The Anatomy of Two Major Foreign Policy Crises: Based on the Record of Henry Kissinger's Hitherto Secret Telephone Conversations.
• 2011. (New York: Penguin Press, 2011). . • 2014. (New York: Penguin Press, September 9, 2014). . • . Merriam-Webster . Retrieved October 23, 2009. • ^ Feldman, Burton (2001). The Nobel Prize: A History Of Genius, Controversy, and Prestige. . p. 16. . • ^ Dommen, Arthur (2002). The Indochinese Experience of the French and the Americans: Nationalism and Communism in Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam.
Indiana University Press. p. 878. . • ^ Takeyh, Ray (June 13, 2016). . . Retrieved June 28, 2016. • Bass, Gary (September 21, 2013). . . Retrieved February 13, 2016. • ^ Rohter, Larry (March 28, 2002). . . . Retrieved December 14, 2015. • . . January 30, 2015 . Retrieved December 14, 2015.
• Nevius, James (February 13, 2016). . The Guardian . Retrieved October 23, 2016. "[...] many consider Kissinger a war criminal, most famously Christopher Hitchens, who, in a lengthy two-part article for Harper's in 2001 (later expanded into the book and documentary, The Trial of Henry Kissinger), laid out his case that Kissinger should be brought up on charges 'for war crimes, for crimes against humanity, and for offenses against common or customary or international law, including conspiracy to commit murder, kidnap, and torture'.
• ^ . . February 3, 2015 . Retrieved August 8, 2015. • (1992). Kissinger: A Biography. . p. 20. . • [The Kissinger in Bad Kissingen] (in German). Bayerischer Rundfunk. June 2, 2005. Archived from on October 18, 2007 . Retrieved February 3, 2007. • Hesse, Uli (February 17, 2012). . .
Retrieved May 3, 2012. • • . The Jerusalem Post. Archived from on July 13, 2011 . Retrieved September 4, 2008. • , p. 37. • , p. 38. • , pp. 39–48. • , p. 48. • , p. 49. • , p. 53.
• , p. 55. • . . January 29, 2004 . Retrieved February 13, 2016. • . Depts.washington.edu . Retrieved March 17, 2017. • Draper, Theodore (September 6, 1992). . . Retrieved December 30, 2006. • ^ . NobelPrize.org . Retrieved December 30, 2006.
• Kissinger, Henry (1954). (Thesis). Cambridge, Mass.: Kissinger. • Kissinger, Henry (1957). Nuclear weapons and foreign policy. . p. 455. . • ^ (May 1991).
. LewRockwell.com. Archived from on February 15, 2016 . Retrieved February 13, 2016. • . White House. Archived from on January 21, 2009 . Retrieved December 30, 2006. • , video interview with former White House Aide Frank Gannon, June 10, 1983 (Richard Nixon Library, published to YouTube on August 7, 2014) • ^ .
. Retrieved December 31, 2006. • . NobelPrize.org . Retrieved March 15, 2015. • Dube, Clayton. . USC U.S.-China Institute .
Retrieved July 21, 2011. • "On China" by H. Kissinger • Soley, Lawrence C. (1992). The News Shapers: The Sources who Explain the News. . p. ?. • Kissinger, Henry A. (1979). White House Years. Boston: . pp. 231–32. • Totten, Samuel; Parsons, William S.; Charny, Israel W. (2004). . . p. 349. . Retrieved October 16, 2009. • Smyth, Marie; Robinson, Gillian (2001). .
. p. 93. . Retrieved October 16, 2009. • Dmitry Mosyakov, "The Khmer Rouge and the Vietnamese Communists: A History of Their Relations as Told in the Soviet Archives", in Susan E. Cook, ed., Genocide in Cambodia and Rwanda (Yale Genocide Studies Program Monograph Series No.
1, 2004), p. 54ff. Available online at: www.yale.edu/gsp/publications/Mosyakov.doc "In April–May 1970, many North Vietnamese forces entered Cambodia in response to the call for help addressed to Vietnam not by Pol Pot, but by his deputy Nuon Chea.
Nguyen Co Thach recalls: "Nuon Chea has asked for help and we have liberated five provinces of Cambodia in ten days." • Marek Sliwinski, Le Génocide Khmer Rouge: Une Analyse Démographique (L'Harmattan, 1995), pp. 41–48. • Kiernan, Ben (2004).
. . p. xxiii. . Retrieved February 12, 2016. • Greenberg, Jon (September 11, 2014). . . Retrieved February 13, 2016. • Chandler, David 2000, Brother Number One: A Political Biography of Pol Pot, Revised Edition, Chiang Mai, Thailand: Silkworm Books, pp.
96–97. • Owen, Taylor; Kiernan, Ben. . . 13 (16) . Retrieved October 16, 2016. • Karen Coates and Jerry Redfern (September 18, 2014). . . Retrieved October 16, 2016. • Henry Kissinger (11 February 2003). . Simon and Schuster. p. 70. . • (2001). The Nobel Peace Prize and the Laureates: An Illustrated Biographical History, 1901–2001.
Science History Pubns. p. 219. . • Le Duc Tho to Henry Kissinger, October 27, 1973. • . . December 10, 1973 . Retrieved April 28, 2007. In his letter of November 2 to the Nobel Committee Henry Kissinger expresses his deep sense of this obligation. In the letter he writes among other things: 'I am deeply moved by the award of the Nobel Peace Prize, which I regard as the highest honor one could hope to achieve in the pursuit of peace on this earth.
When I consider the list of those who have been so honored before me, I can only accept this award with humility.' ... This year Henry Kissinger was appointed Secretary-of-State in the United States. In his letter to the Committee he writes as follows: 'I greatly regret that because of the press of business in a world beset by recurrent crisis I shall be unable to come to Oslo on December 10 for the award ceremony.
I have accordingly designated Ambassador Byrne to represent me on that occasion.' • (March 15, 2001). . . Retrieved December 31, 2006. • . National Security Archive. December 16, 2002 . Retrieved December 30, 2006. • Bass, Gary (September 29, 2013). . The New York Times . Retrieved May 27, 2014. • Dymond, Jonny (December 11, 2011). . BBC Radio . Retrieved May 27, 2014. • (PDF) . Retrieved March 12, 2015. • (PDF) . Retrieved March 12, 2015. • Holley, Joe (September 23, 2004). . The Washington Post .
Retrieved May 27, 2014. • Bass, Gary (April 23, 2014). . The Globe and Mail . Retrieved April 23, 2014.
• Keefer, Edward C.; Smith, Louis J. (2005). . Foreign Relations, 1969–1976. E-7 (19) . Retrieved December 30, 2006. CS1 maint: Uses authors parameter () • . BBC. July 1, 2005 . Retrieved December 15, 2006. • ^ (December 10, 2010) , • Nagourney, Adam (December 10, 2010). . The New York Times. • Kissinger, Henry. . The Washington Post. December 26, 2010. • .
Haaretz. Reuters. April 3, 2007 . Retrieved November 9, 2012. • ^ Laor, Yitzhak (November 2, 2013). . . Retrieved February 15, 2014. • Siniver, Asaf (2008). Nixon, Kissinger, and U.S. Foreign Policy Making; The Machinery of Crisis.
New York: Cambridge. p. 188. . • Article republished on the front page of the Greek newspaper , issue of Fr. August 2, 1974, article "The Americans knew there was plan to overthrow Makarios" [Οἱ Ἀμερικανοί ἐγνώριζον ὅτι ἑτοιμάζετο ἀνατροπή τοῦ Μακαρίου στήν Κύπρο] (photo-reprint in the book series "To Vima – 90 years", Lambrakis Press 2012, volume XI "1972–1981") • ^ Front page of the Greek newspaper , issue of Sa.
August 17, 1974, articles "Τhe Cyprus crisis is Kissinger's Watergate" [Τό Κυπριακό εἶναι το Γουώτεργκέητ τοῦ κ. Κίσσινγκερ] and "Anti-American youth demonstration in Thessaloniki and Heraklion" [Ἀντιαμερικανική διαδήλωσις νέων εἰς τήν Θεσσαλονίκην και εἰς τό Ἡράκλειον] (photo-reprint in the book series "To Vima – 90 years", as above).
• "" (August 17, 1974) original text passages on the demonstrations: Θεσσαλονίκη 16 Αὐγούστου. Σιωπηρά ἀντιαμερικανική διαδήλωση ἐπραγματοποίησαν σήμερα Κύπριοι φοιτηταί τοῦ Πανεπιστημόυ Θεσσαλονίκης [...] περίπου 150 διελήθησαν ἀργότερον ἡσύχως.[...] Ἡράκλειον 16 Αὐγούστου. Οἱ διαδηλωταί φέροντες ἑληνικάς σημαίας καί εἰκόνας τοῦ Καραμανλῆ καί τοῦ Μακαρίου περιήρχοντο μέχρις ἀργά τό βράδυ [...] κραυγάζοντες συνθήματα ὅπως "Δολοφόνε Κίσσινγκερ", "Ἔξω οἱ Ἀμερικανοί", " Ὄχι διχοτόμηση", "Ζήτω ὁ Καρμανλῆς", "Ἑνωμένοι Ἕλληνες", "Συμπαράσταση Λαέ", "Ὄχι ἡ Κύπρος Βιετνάμ".
[...] ὑπολογίζονται δε εἰς 5.000" • Mallinson, William M. (2011). (PDF). Republic of Cyprus . Retrieved February 13, 2016. • ^ . U.S. Department of State. December 18, 1975. Archived from on 2009-09-11 .
Retrieved November 20, 2006. • , , pp. 246–247, 250–254. • ^ (2003). : A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: . . • Kinzer, Stephen (2006). Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change from Hawaii to Iraq. New York: Times Books. . • Pike, John. . Federation of American Scientists . Retrieved November 20, 2006. • Peter Kornbluh, , Chile Documentation Project, National Security Archive, September 19, 2000.
Retrieved November 26, 2006. • Binder, David (September 22, 1976). . The New York Times . Retrieved April 10, 2010. • . on . April 10, 2010 . Retrieved August 14, 2014.
As secretary of state, Henry Kissinger cancelled a U.S. warning against carrying out international political assassinations that was to have gone to Chile and two neighboring nations just days before a former ambassador was killed by Chilean agents on Washington's Embassy Row in 1976, a newly released State Department cable shows. • Yost, Pete (April 10, 2010). . . • . . October 8, 2015 . Retrieved February 13, 2016. • . Metropolitan Books, 2015. p. 151. • . . Retrieved February 13, 2016. • ^ Falcoff, Mark (November 1, 2003).
. Commentary . Retrieved February 12, 2016. • . The Condor Years: How Pinochet And His Allies Brought Terrorism To Three Continents. , 2005. . • . Kissinger's Shadow: The Long Reach of America's Most Controversial Statesman Metropolitan Books, 2015. p. 249. • Horton, Scott (July 6, 2010).
. . Retrieved February 12, 2016. • Davis, Jeff (2008). Justice Across Borders: The Struggle for Human Rights in U.S. Courts. Cambridge University Press. p. 99. . • . . • (2005). . . p. 20. . • Andersen, Martin Edwin (March 4, 2016). . The Nation. • Osorio, Carlos; Costar, Kathleen, eds.
(August 27, 2004). . . Retrieved November 25, 2011. • (December 5, 2003). . . Retrieved February 13, 2016. • Blakeley, Ruth (2009). . . pp. . . • ^ Andersen, Martin Edwin (October 31, 1987). (PDF). . Retrieved December 2, 2017. • (PDF). • Navasky, Victor (2005). (1st ed.). New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. p. 298. . . Retrieved August 6, 2015. • Goñi, Uki (August 9, 2016).
. . Retrieved August 10, 2016. • Smith, Ian Douglas (2001). Bitter Harvest: The Great Betrayal and the Dreadful Aftermath. London: . . . • Burr, William; Evans, Michael L., eds. (December 6, 2001). . . Retrieved February 13, 2016. Ford and Kissinger Gave Green Light to Indonesia's Invasion of East Timor, 1975: New Documents Detail Conversations with Suharto • Agence France Press, "US Endorsed Indonesia's East Timor Invasion: Secret Documents", December 6, 2001 • Kiernan, Ben (2007).
Genocide and resistance in Southeast Asia : documentation, denial & justice in Cambodia & East Timor (2nd pr. ed.). New Brunswick, NJ [u.a.]: Transaction Publ. p. 281. . • . BBC News. • "400 sign petition against offering Kissinger faculty post".
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